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Hindutva
The
RSS (Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh)
Marching in the khaki uniform
reminiscent of the fascist movement of the last century, RSA is the
mother of today's leading Hindu militant parties in India. It was
established in 1925. Since its inception, it has been dedicated to
the overthrow of the secular programs of the National Congress,
which was led by Mohandas Gandhi and then Jawaharlal Nehru.
The RSS gained notoriety in 1948 after
one of its members, Nathuram Godse murdered Gandhi, the "father of
the nation" for allowing the establishment of Pakistan and being too
accommodating of Muslims.
This led to the party being banned
that same year. However, this ban was lifted the following year
after the RSS drafted a constitution that was acceptable to the
government. But very loyal RSS members refused to give up their
affiliation to join the Congress and, instead, focussed their
political energies on the BJP after its founding in 1951 (see
below). The organization was banned once again in the Seventies
because of its activities.
According to the RSS, Christians and
Muslims are basically converts from Hinduism and should be
reintegrated into Indian Hindu culture. If they prefer not to
integrate they should leave India.
The BJP
Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) was
established in 1951 and until 1980, was known as the Bharatiya Jana
Sangh (BJS). It was set up as a political wing of the RSS.
The BJP is part of the Sangh Parivar,
which is the family of Hindu fundamentalist organizations spawned
and led by the Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh (RSS).
The party currently rules through a
coalition that has meant softening the party's more militant Hindu
positions. Indian prime minister and BJP head, Atal Bihari Vajpayee,
has gone out of his way to stress the importance of secular politics
on a number of occasions.
It was only 30 years after its
creation, during the 1980s, that the BJP really became a major
player on the Indian political scene. A number of events in that
decade, including the mass conversion of lower-caste Hindus to Islam
pushed the BJP's close affiliate, the VHP (see below), to the
forefront.
Together, the two parties were able to
whip up Hindu support for a re-defined communal force, organizing a
series of religious meetings, cross-country marches and processions
throughout the decade.
In addition, during the 1980s, the BJP
launched an electoral strategy of striving to win the support of the
"Hindu" vote.
Politically, though, the decade marked
the failure of the BJP. In 1984, the party won only two seats in the
parliamentary elections. After this defeat, the party decide a
change in strategy was needed.
One of these was a change in
leadership. Atal Bihari Vajpayee, who was then party president, was
replaced by L.K. Advani (who is today the country's Interior
Minister).
It was under Advani's leadership that
the party began to appeal to Hindu activists by criticizing measures
it considered as pandering to minorities. For instance, it advocated
the repeal of the special status given to the occupied Muslim
majority state of Jammu and Kashmir.
At the same time, it cooperated more
closely with other RSS affiliates, especially the VHP, by rousing
Hindu passions. One campaign that gained prominence was the effort
to convert members of the untouchable castes back to Hinduism from
Islam.
It was also the BJP which, in 1984,
decided to take up the case for tearing down Babri Masjid (PUT LINK)
in Ayodhya and on its ruins, erecting a Hindu temple. Despite no
historical or archaeological evidence, the BJP and its followers
claimed that the mosque had been built on the ruins of a Temple
dedicated to the Hindu god Ram. The BJP succeeded in making this an
issue which brought together Hindus of all stripes in India.
Eight years later, in 1992, the BJP
succeeded in making the Babri mosque issue a common cause amongst
the country's militants. In December that year, inspired by BJP
politicians', 200,000 Hindu militants shouting "Hindustan is for the
Hindus" and "Death to the Muslims" stormed the Babri mosque and
using sledgehammers, picks, and bare hands destroyed the mosque. The
rallying point for Hindu militancy was now reduced to rubble.
The destruction led to protest from
Muslims, about 1,400 of whom were massacred with the complicity of
the area's mostly Hindu police.
The VHP
It was members of this non-political party who were involved in
the hooliganism which led to the Godhra train burning incident at
the end of February, which in turn sparked the latest violence in
India.
VHP stands for Vishwa Hindu Parishad. The VHP is also part of the
Sangh Parivar, which is the family of Hindu fundamentalist
organizations spawned and led by the RSS.
The VHP was founded in 1964 by a group of senior leaders from the
RSS to give Hindus what they believed would be a clearly defined
sense of religious identity and political purpose.
But this apparently benign aim masked an uglier reality: the desire
to "Hinduize" India at the expense of its minorities, the largest
one being Muslims.
For instance, during the 1980s, the VHP, working with the BJP,
developed into a dynamic political force by using religious
symbolism to rouse Hindu passions. In particular, the duo came to
national attention through their campaign to convert back to
Hinduism members of the certain castes, particularly "untouchables",
who had converted to Islam.
Since 1984, the VHP was and remains at the forefront of the campaign
to "reclaim" Babri Masjid )PUT LINK. It has encouraged villagers
throughout India to hold religious ceremonies to consecrate bricks
made out of their own clay and send them to be used in the
construction of the Ramjanmabhoomi Temple in Ayodhya.
For several years now VHP is continuing its violent campaign to
build a Hindu temple at the site of the demolished Babri mosque in
Ayodhya (UP), in violation of the ruling of the Supreme Court of
India, that has mandated that this issue will be decided by the
court of law. In the last few weeks their campaign has resulted in
large scale violence against Muslims in various cities in the state
of Gujarat, with hundreds of Muslims reported killed.
For over a decade now, VHP has branches in US, with their
headquarter in the state of Connecticut. VHP is registered as a
charitable organization under IRS Section 501-3-C. Every year VHP
(USA) collects millions of dollars in tax-exempt donation from
Hindus living in US. Every year top leaders of VHP visit US for
fundraising campaigns. These funds are used directly for VHP’s
violent campaigns to terrorize Muslims and Christians in India and
to attack their places of worship.
Last
decade has witnessed an intensification of social problems. On the
one hand we see increase in poverty, hunger, disease, and
unemployment. On the other newer dangers in the form of communalism,
communal violence & rise of new social-political forces in the form
of Hindutva politics. Though a nascent Hindutva ideology was
conceived and rooted in certain social segments from last many
decades, its palpable offence and aggression became much more
menacing in the last decade. This threw up the questions of
nationality, community, identity and host of other questions in the
social space.
The
Hindutva movement presents itself for establishing a strong nation,
based on the tenets of `Hindu Dharma', i.e. the overt agenda of
establishing a Hindu Rashtra. But this, though highly objectionable
and retrograde in itself, hides larger designs which are concealed
in this agenda. At the social and political level, this movement
derives its strength from upper castes, co-opts some lower castes
within its fold and asserts an ideology and programme which
suppresses the legitimate and much overdue social, economic and
political aspiration of the deprived, disadvantaged and depressed
sections of society, who are on the lower rungs of the social
hierarchy.
This
movement is being spearheaded by a plethora of organisations, the
patriarch of which is Rashtriya Swayam Sevak Sangh (RSS), the real
controller of all other organisations. Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)
is its political wing; Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), is the
organisation translating Hindutva political agenda on the emotive,
religious ground; Bajrang Dal is a group of lumpens, who execute the
violent acts against minorities; Vanavasi Kalyan Ashram is engaged
in promoting Brahminical norms amongst Adivasis, and Rashtrasevika
Samiti is the women's wing, subordinate to the male organisation,
RSS. In addition there are other organisations like Saraswati Shishu
Mandirs which inculcate the young mind with brahminical version of
Hinduism. These all are collectively called the Sangh Parivar (SP).
The
initial concern of Hindutva movement (RSS and Hindu Mahasabha) was
to counter the politics of Muslim League and to influence the
Congress towards a pro-Hindu direction. RSS was mainly focusing on
Shakhas, training volunteers for Hindutva movement and Hindu
Mahasabha was taking part in electoral politics. After independence
the number of cadres of RSS kept on increasing and the Hindu
Mahasabha gradually went into oblivion. One of the ex-pracharak of
RSS, Naturam Godse, murdered Mahatma Gandhi in 1948, following which
RSS was banned for some time. Meanwhile RSS volunteers kept on
infiltrating the army, bureaucracy, media and educational
institution. In course of time multiple RSS - controlled
organisations were started. The RSS became very visible with its
anti-communist tirades during the India-China war and projected
'Nationalist, Patriotic' fervour. Its political wing, the Jan Sangh
undertook the campaign to `Indianise Muslims'. The RSS tried to wash
off the `sin' of murdering Gandhi by joining the JP movement. Its
political wing joined the Janata Party, and when it came to power,
Jan Sangh got vital ministries and it further infiltrated the
bureaucracy. It left the Janata Party on the issue of double
membership (Janata Party + RSS). It did not want to leave the RSS,
Janata Party broke and Jan Sangh reemerged as BJP on the plank of 'Gandhian
Socialism'. After the opportunist 'politics of Indira-Rajiv which
led to Sikh Pogroms in Delhi, the Shah Bano fiasco and opening up of
the locks of Babri Masjid, BJP started adopting the plank of
Hindutva. V.P. Singh's implementation of Mandal Commission
recommendations incited a backlash of upper castes, which the Sangh
Parivar cleverly polarised around itself through Rath Yatra and
various religious symbols. With the Kar Seva of Dec. 6, the upper
castes got the final message of the 'right party' for their
aspirations, and an outfit which was marginal on the Indian
political scene got transformed into `a major player'.
Myth : Hindutva
is in line with Indian ethos and culture.
FCT
: The politics of Hindutva asserts that the Hindu nation has existed
for 8,000 to 10,000 years and Hindustan has been in possession of
Hindus for at least that length of time. Also, that in India for its
proper running the majority community, the Hindus, should have a
dominant role. Both these assertions are at the root of Hindutva
movement and both of these contradict the Indian ethos and culture.
Despite various theories about the origin of Aryans one can roughly
say that their original abode was somewhere in the northwest, from
where they migrated to different areas and all along the way
interacted with different cultures -- in Iran, Afghanistan and in
South Asia. The flowering of social life was a product of
interaction of the Aryans and the native tribes. Though this also
resulted in the caste system and other social evils, the interaction
led mainly to the growth of mixed culture. As a reaction against
many social evils, Buddhism arose as a religion which had wide
popularity amongst the untouchables and some sections of society.
This development came as a corrective to the uninhibited growth of
social evils, and went a long way to enrich Indian culture. It was
further enriched with the advent and spread of Islam (through Arab
merchants in South and Mughal rulers in North) and Christianity
(through traders again, through the Malabar coast and through
missionaries coming during Portuguese rule). Thus, India had been a
vast social field developing, progressing and marching forward with
the interaction of multiple cultural streams. During the rule of the
Mughals the `syncretic' culture reached its zenith with the
development of the Bhakti and Sufi sects. Both these were very
popular amongst the masses for the simplicity of their appeals and
unity of their message. People like Kabir, Nanak and Tukaram
contributed their soul to the richness of the life of society. All
this is a part of Indian ethos which in a nutshell can be ascribed
to different facets of Indian culture which stands on the principles
of love and understanding for all fellow beings, respect for other's
faith, tolerance for other's religion and equal treatment to
followers of different paths. In contrast, Hindutva politics is
based on upper caste ethos, and aims at the hegemony of one section
of society, one type of religion over the whole society. It
theorises the subjugation of minorities to the upper caste ethos. It
does away with the affirmative action needed for the protection and
furtherance of the interests of disadvantaged sections of society.
Hindutva contradicts the Indian ethos and culture and is a total
break from the 'spirit' of Indianness.
Myth : Unlike
Semitic Religions -- Christianity, Islam, etc. -- Hindutva is a
purely non-dogmatic religion.
FACT
: Islam and Christianity(especially as propounded by the clergy)
have shown dogmatism especially when it comes to matters
theological. On the other hand, Hinduism in its plural form has been
a highly dynamic religion. In its `new avatar' (construction),
however, there is a definite attempt to `semitise' the Hindu
religion around one diety (Ram), Holy Books (Geeta, Vedas, Smrutis)
and Clergy (Shankaracharyas). In this current form it is
proselytising the Adivasis into the brahminical mould, constructing
a history and dogmatically asserting and acting around that.
Demolition of the Babri Masjid is one from the many examples of its
`dogmatism-based action'. Though Hindus at large are tolerant and
flexible, the self-assumed Hindu religious leaders belonging to the
Sangh Parivar are making a number of dogmatic assertions: ban cow
slaughter, make sanskrit a compulsory language, abolish the second
status language (in some States) of the language with alien script
(Urdu), etc. It is also dogmatic about the cultural, aesthetic,
economic and social norms, to the extent of imposing its values on
the whole of society.
Myth : Hindutva
is a set of values and a way of life, that does not conflict with
the Constitution of India which nobody can take exception to since
it can do no harm.
FACT : This has been encouraged by the recent Supreme Court
judgement exonerating Manohar Joshi for his election speech in which
he claimed that if elected he will make Maharashtra as the first
Hindu Rajya of the nation, the judgement also said that Hindutva is
not just a religion, but it is a way of life.
The
way of life pertains to multidimensional activities of different
sectors of society which are extremely divergent though not
antagonistic to each other. So the way of life of the Adivasis in
Jharkhand has nothing in common with that of a businessman living in
Mumbai's plush Nariman Point; the way of life of a rich peasant of
Gujarat has nothing much in common with the way of life of a
contract worker living in a slum of Mumbai or a migrant construction
worker in the sprawling upcoming concrete jungles of different
metros; the way of life of a housewife running the household has
nothing much in common with way of life of a woman business
executive or a fashion model.
Hindutva is not a religion, it is a political movement which began
in the early 20's and has picked up momentum in the last decade. It
is a movement for building 'Hindu-Rashtra', Hindu nation which
expresses the aspirations not of all the people of this country but
only of upper caste Hindus, leaving out the vast numbers of backward
castes, Dalits, minorities and women. It has assigned subordinate
roles to: (a) minorities, who should live by the ideology of the
Hindu nation, claiming nothing and deserving no privileges (b) women
who are to cultivate themselves as 'ideal' mothers, 'wives' or
'daughters', subordinate to her husband, father or son (c) workers,
who are supposed to treat the employer as the part of their family
and to do production for 'national good' dumping their rights in the
backyard gutters; (d) Dalits, who are supposed to forgo
'reservations' so that the `merits' acquired by upper castes through
education and employment, continues, paving the way for upper caste
monopoly on jobs and other social privileges coming along with
'merits'.
The very foundation of Hindu Rashtra is anithetical to Indian
Constitution, which upholds the sovereign, democratic, secular
character of the republic; stands for equal opportunities for all,
for affirmative action for the disadvantaged and leaves no room for
religion to influence state policy, while the goal of Hindutva is an
Indian state based around the interests of Hindu elite.
Myth : Muslims
need not live in fear: The BJP will not harm. See! There are no
communal riots in BJP-ruled states!
FACT : SP's deeper hatred and its electoral compulsions force it to
take various schizophrenic position. In the heydays of the Jan Sangh
the main slogan of the SP was `Indianise the Indian Muslims'. Is
what harms the Muslims community it just communal violence or is
there something more? Communal violence is one of the expressions of
the problematic situation which the SP creates for the minorities.
Basically SP has been communalising the social space. Its `molecular
permeation' of the 'doctrine of hatred' constructed to consolidate
the upper caste Hindus is the 'core' around which all the other
communal activities revolve. Though BJP at times assumes offices in
state, it does leave an anti-minority community mark which is deeper
and more subtle. Lest we forget, let us recall the `communalisation'
of history textbooks in UP and Maharashtra where they are/were in
power. In a series of acts of commission, the BJP-Sena government in
Maharashtra has demonstrated how a Hindutva combine can continue a
subtle, low-intensity warfare against the minorities on a sustained
basis. In just one year of its rule it harassed Muslims from West
Bengal on the pretext that they are Bangladeshis; abolished
minorities commission and abolished Shrikrishna Commission
investigating the 92-93 Bombay riots.(Later restored under
compulsions). BJP's coming to power in state assemblies unleashes a
gamut of moves leading to policies with an anti-Muslim slant, an
onslaught on the history books with secular ethos and the like. A
long lasting, majority government at the centre will `exhibit' the
uninhibited, 'pure' and 'naked' game of Hindutva, in comparison to
which the Babri demolition and post demolition riots will start
looking like a merry picnic. Thus, the absence of communal violence
in BJP ruled states is not a certificate to the SP for its tolerance
of minorities. It is a temporary truce being used to sharpen the
tools for all round suppression of all the oppressed groups in
general and Muslims in particular.
VHP Speaks
(Bose et. al. : Khakhi
Shorts and Saffron Flags, Orient Longman 1993, page 75.)
The
secular state, which is part of the conspiracy, must be replaced by
a Hindu Rashtra to ensure real toleration. Toleration, to be secure,
must then stamp out all that is non Hindu, for what is not Hindu is
intolerant".
Mussalman ka Ek hi sthan, Pakistan ya Kabristan
(Muslims only place is either in Pakistan or Graveyard),
Gohatya Karnewale ki Hatya Karna, Pratyek Hindu ka Dharmik Kartavya
Hai
(It is religious duty of every Hindu to kill the people who kill
cows),
Pahle Kasai Phir Isai (First the butchers (Muslims) then the
Christians)
BJP Speak
(Manishankar
Aiyer, Sunday 7-13 Feb. 93)
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It is secular to build a temple: sectarian to build a mosque.
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It is democratic to be guided by Sants and Mahants, theocratic
to listen to mullahs and Kazis.
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Cultivating a Muslim vote-bank is appeasement, cultivating a
Hindu vote bank is nationalism.
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Hindu places of worship must revert to their original owners,
Bodh Gaya and Jagannath Puri need not.
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It was nationalistic of Rana Pratap to align himself with Muslim
pathans, subversive of Akbar to secure Hindu Rajput allies.
Bal Thackaray's
Interview to Time
Magazine.
Q: Why is Shiv Sena attacking Muslims?
A: Muslims started the riots and my boys are retaliating. Do you
expect Hindus to turn the other cheek? I want to teach Muslims a
lesson. Our fortitude has gone too far.
Q: Why are you so angry with the Muslims?
A:
They are not prepared to accept the rules of this land. They don't
want to accept birth control. They want to implement their Sharia
(Islamic law) in my motherland. Yes, this is the Hindus motherland.
Q: But Muslims are fleeing Bombay.
A: If they are going let them go If they are not going, kick them
out.....
Q: Is this a stepping stone toward a Hindu nation?
A:
We don't need stepping stones. This is a Hindu Rashtra.
Swami Muktanand Saraswati: a top leader of VHP's Sant Samiti
(Communalism
Combat, Jan. 94, page 10).
Our
image has become one of a Brahminical party. In our party, a basic
fact is that a cadre belonging to backward caste is eliminated at
the lowest level of organisation.
BJP, M.P. Uma Bharati
(Communalism
Combat, Jan.94, page 10)
It
is not only a question of 30,000 mosques and mazaars. All vestiges
of Mughal imperialism whether the name of a city, village or road,
building, anything that represents the barbarism of Mughal
imperialism - should be removed from this country.
REFERENCES
-
Basu, T. Datta P. Sarkars., Sarkar T. and Sen S.
Khaki Shorts and Saffron Flags, Orient Longmans, Bombay, 1993.
-
Omvedt, G. Dalit Visions, Orient Longmans,
Bombay, 1995.
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Engineer, A.A. Communalism in India, Vikas
Publication House, 1995.
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Mehdi Arslan and Ranjan, Janaki (ed) Communalism
in India:Challenge and Response.
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Engineer, A.A.(ed) Towards Secular India, Centre
for Study of Society & Secularism, Issues Nos.1 to 7,
Bombay,1995-96.
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Anand, J. & Setalvad, T., Communalism Combat,
Sabrang Communication, Mumbai, 1994-96.
-
Peoples' Publishing House, Selected Writings on
Communalism, New Delhi 1994.
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For Your Eyes Only, Media Watch, Delhi 1995.
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Panikkar K.N.- Communal Threat, Secular
Challenge, Earthworm Books, Chennai, 1997.
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